Founder Fallist Chumani Maxwele: who is he and why has he received deferential treatment by leaders of the University of Cape Town? Part 2: May 2015 to 2017.
Tim Crowe
May Madness
After escaping accountability for
his role in the Rhodes ‘Affair’, rather than focusing on the classroom and
studies, on 1 May, Maxwele challenged Price and re-offended. When denied access to the holiday-locked Mathematics Building, political science student Maxwele allegedly assaulted a ‘white’ female lecturer, barraging her with hate speech, stating (witnessed by two others) inter alia:
1.
that she was "a white woman who takes all the rights of the black
students";
2.
"the
statue fell; now it's time for all whites to go"; and
3
“We must not
listen to whites, we do not need their apologies, they have to be removed from
UCT and have to be killed."
He also:
1.
“continuously
shouted and swore at the lecturer and two other witnesses to the incident;
2.
started
banging on the lecturer's office door (after she had entered the office and
locked her door);
3.
when the
lecturer opened the door, pushed her in his attempt to enter; and
4.
continued to
shout and scream at her and bang on her desk.”
Based on this “indisputable evidence of hate speech”, the “University
considered Mr Maxwele's alleged actions to be threatening and intimidating, and
to have been unprovoked” and considered him to be a “potential risk to staff
and students”.
In the wake of the alleged assault:
1.
UCT had a
Trellidor-like structure affixed to the lecturer’s office door and hired a
guard.
2.
Maxwele
harassed her twice further (in August and September).
3.
The two witnesses
of the original assault became wary of testifying for fear of intimidation.
4.
The lecturer
was pressed by Price and his representatives to enter into mediation with
Maxwele.
On 7 May, Maxwele was suspended and
was to “face disciplinary charges”.
He faced no “charges”. Indeed, 10 days after the incident, Maxwele laid
a counter-charge of racism against the lecturer, but “investigators could find
no witnesses to support his statement”.
Nevertheless, UCT chose to have a
hearing on his charge.
The assaulted lecturer complied fully with UCT’s decision and was
cleared completely of these charges. Maxwele did not offer testimony at this
hearing. He didn't even attend.
For more than two years, Maxwele repeatedly (at least eight times)
evaded attending hearings vis-à-vis his actions against the lecturer - until 4
December 2017. He walked out of this hearing in a rage when its proceedings did
not go well for him.
So, the matter remains unresolved. There is no justice, restorative or
otherwise, for the lecturer. She, like the vast, un-consulted, “Silenced
Majority” of the UCT Community has been “left behind”.
June-November: jettison, clawless amnesty and chaos
Transformation DVC Soudien handed in his resignation. The theme of his parting address to UCT given at a graduation ceremony on 11 June was: “Race is an invention”.
On 10 June, Maxwele’s suspension was set aside.
On 18 August, UCT granted another amnesty
to Fallists for recent law-breaking, given that they had agreed to accept
disciplinary action for law-breaking in the future.
On 9 November, +-150 Fallists (including Maxwele?) violently disrupted
a special Senate meeting. Price was surrounded by Fallists who refused to enter
into discussion or any form of negotiation. “They particularly targeted Price
with utterly unacceptable verbal abuse and threw bottles, food and other
articles at him”. “They intimidated
staff members, physically threatened people, racially abused people at random,
humiliated individuals and generally acted in an unruly, aggressive manner.”
2016: Shackville, rolling thunder and more chaos
After an uneventful December
2015/January 2016, a few days after the UCT Executive issued a statement
“condemn[ing] in the strongest terms possible any act or expression that
incites violence or promotes hate speech or intimidation in any form”, on 16
February 2016, Fallists, including Maxwele, constructed a shack
at a heavily used pedestrian crossing on Residence Road at the base of Jameson
steps. They cordoned off the area, Shackville, causing massive traffic congestion.
The following day, after repeated warnings by the Executive, the shack was
removed by UCT security.
In response,
Fallists:
1. vandalised
[with paint – punishable according to Price’s statement of 15/4/2015] two
statues: Jan Smuts
and Maria Emmeline Barnard
Fuller;
2. burned paintings, predominantly portraits of ‘white’ people, including a
portrait of highly revered anti-Apartheid activist, Molly Blackburn and
five anti-apartheid-themed paintings by black artist/activist, Keresemose
Richard Baholo: first black student to receive a Fine-Art master's degree from
UCT;
3. barred
access by ‘white’/‘coloured’/Asian students to UCT residences’ dining halls and
denied them food from the cafeterias;
4. desecrated
the World War Memorial the with
spray paint saying: “Fuck White People”
5. torched
three vehicles, including a Jammie Shuttle transport bus a
Biological Sciences bakkie essential for research in an oppressed ‘black’
community; and
Due to this destruction and "intimidation of others,
demeaning utterances, and distortion of facts" UCT took unprecedented
criminal action against the protesters. Price described the events as: “almost
disruption for the sake of disruption.” Fallist laid counter-charges against the university, calling for Price
to be “arrested for undue use of force” and to “resign”.
Eight protesters, including Maxwele, were arrested on
charges of public violence and malicious damage. Subsequently, Judge
Allie granted a meticulously outlined interdict (which effectively
barred Maxwele et al. from entering the campus for the next five years) demonstrating
collusion between respondents Alex Hotz and Maxwele in the torching of a bakkie
used by Biological Sciences to service rural ‘black’ communities.
On 5 April, feminist Fallist Thenjiwe Mswane said she had been assaulted by Maxwele at the University of the Witwatersrand . She said she was
kicked, punched and dragged away from a protest. There is a widely-published
photo of Maxwele grabbing her left breast.
In her piece prompted by the incident, A Rapist State’s Children: Jacob Zuma & Chumani Maxwele, feminist Fezokuhle Mthonti characterized Maxwele as a member of “a student movement that has rendered terminology empty while cynically keying in buzzwords like ‘decolonisation,’ ‘black love’ and ‘revolutionary violence’ without thinking through the implications of these terms”.
She concludes: “Maxwele, like [ex-president Jacob] Zuma, is a dangerous man who should be written out of any narrative of decolonisation and transformation.”
On 11 May, after the interdict was
lodged against Maxwele, he was effectively expelled.
Judge Allie wrote: “Concerning
the disruptive and destructive form that the protests took, it cannot be said
that the apprehension of it recurring is not reasonable given the great lengths
to which some protesters went, to perpetrate the destruction. The unrepentant
stance adopted by the respondents, led the applicant to believe that the harm
could recur if an interdict is not granted prohibiting the misconduct
complained of.”
This notwithstanding, on 6 November, Price and nine Fallists mainly
from PASMA
[an ideologically monolithic, Marxist-Leninist revolutionary movement]
signed the November
Agreement, giving yet additional “clemency” to Maxwele and other law-breakers.
Finally, on 6 December, charges
against Maxwele were formally
withdrawn and commuted to “community service”.
But, by mid-December, Maxwele violated conditions of clemency by invading
the Annual General Meeting of the University of Cape Town Convocation and
defaming some of its members, irrespective of race and gender, including a
‘black’ woman who had served as UCT’s SRC president.
After the meeting, “an inconsolable Chumani was taken aside by
Max and seriously engaged”. There was so such ‘consolation’ given to those he
defamed.
2017:
Quiet followed by defamation
On 5 May, Maxwele was arrested again for protesting Parliament for alleged incitement to commit a
crime.
On
22 August, during ‘question’ time after Prof. Mahmood Mamdani’s T.B.
Davie Memorial Lecture “Decolonising the Post-Colonial University”,
Maxwele pronounced [at 1hr49min20sec] yet again:
“If we are to be honest, we
cannot have an intellectual debate at UCT when Dr Price protects white racists
in the characters of [philosophy professor David] Benatar [deliberately
multiply mis-pronounces surname], [sociology professor] Jeremy Seekings and [sociology/economics
professor Nicoli] Nattrass,
the white wife and who have not apologized for questioning the actions of a
‘black’ professor, Xolela Mangcu. Price
also needs to apologize for taking no action against the white academics who
forced Mamdani to leave UCT, but are still inside but “recycled”. Dr Price has no courage, regard, wisdom, no
vision to say to you I apologize for this institutional racism. He is morally bankrupt.”
What
Maxwele is referring to vis-à-vis the first required ‘apology’ was a dispute
involving accusations of racism inter
alia made by Mangcu against the other three. With regard to Benatar, they were to be dealt
with via debate, but Mangcu withdrew.
With regard to the other two, there was a mutually agreed upon hearing
by eminent law professor and NRF A-rated researcher DVC Danie Visser. Visser
found that Mangcu was guilty of defamation and instructed him to apologize
publicly. Mangcu refused to comply.
Finally,
the Mamdani ‘Affair’. Mamdani was not “forced” to leave UCT. He left to become president
of the Council
for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa, and ultimately
took up an arguably more prestigious chair at USA’s Columbia University that
allowed him to reconnect his fractious
academic relationship with Makerere University in Uganda.
To
answer the original question
First,
we need to assess the self-professed young-Mandela-like Maxwele. Yes, he grew
up under difficult, but not poverty-stricken, circumstances in the Eastern Cape
and was disillusioned further in his Cape Town abode. But, he failed to make
the most of two apparently good jobs.
Yes,
maybe Zuma’s guards ‘bullied” him, but it was not their normal practice. Yet, with
the help of the de Klerk Foundation he received a substantive settlement and
UCT awarded him a scholarship. Despite this generous support, he spent four-plus
years failing many of his courses. During that time, there is no evidence that
Maxwele tried to communicate his socio-political views in the manner of Luthuli
and Sobukwe. But, after deliberation, he chose one characterized by vulgarity,
race-based nationalism, non-negotiation, and defamation backed up with arson
and violence against women, irrespective of ‘race’.
Given
all this, Maxwele’s past treatment by the soon-to-be-‘Priceless’ Executive
suggests that they support his ‘decolonization’ vision for UCT.
Let’s
see if the almost certain ‘black’ female new VC continues this ‘tradition’.
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