Did Nelson Mandela
betray South Africa’s university students?
Emeritus
Prof. Tim Crowe
My initial reaction
to an article sympathizing
with the views of Oxford-educated Fallist Ntokozo Sbo Qwabe and US Prof. Cornel
West that defenders of President Nelson Mandela and religion should “shut
the f**k up!!!” and embrace atheism https://theconversation.com/why-the-loss-of-faith-in-heroes-like-mandela-may-not-be-such-a-bad-thing-65690?utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=The%20Weekend%20Conversation%20-%205709&utm_content=The%20Weekend%20Conversation%20-%205709+CID_461ddc344dad11554ec50aaec1cedff3&utm_source=campaign_monitor_africa&utm_term=Why%20the%20loss%20of%20faith%20in%20heroes%20like%20Mandela%20may%20not%20be%20such%20a%20bad%20thing was scepticism to say the least. Indeed,
my original, knee-jerk response to the Fallist ‘protestations’ of 2015, was disgust
with the proponents’ vulgar behaviour and their overall ignorance (or
misrepresentation) of history.
With regard
to the latter, all respectable historians and participants in CODESA, the 1994
elections and the drafting of the 1996 Constitution agree on one thing. Mandela, de Klerk, Tutu and their respective
negotiating teams: ended rapidly escalating violence and socio-economic
collapse that would have culminated in a local (perhaps even nuclear) Armageddon; dismantled the evil Apartheid
legislation; and replaced it with perhaps the most democratic of the world’s
constitutions. While this was
happening, in a free-and-fair election, the ANC was given unfettered power
which it was renewed, again and again, for more than two decades. The
Mandela/Tutu driven Truth and Reconciliation Commission, although not a
panacea, identified perpetrators and victims and allowed them to defend/expose
their acts/suffering. In the end,
however, many victims were unsatisfied with the results, especially with regard
to socio-economic reparation/compensation.
No one to my knowledge has provided a workable strategy as to how this
might have been done. If, instead of the
TRC, there has been Nuremburg-like, truly bi-partisan and transparent trial for
acts committed during the “Struggle”, one wonders what would have transpired
for the likes of Winnie Mandela, Joe Modise and Jacob Zuma.
So, if Mandela et al. betrayed South Africa in any way, the
post-Apartheid ANC government had the power to ‘put things right’ after he
retired from politics. If voters were
dissatisfied with its performance and/or delivery, they could have voted the
ANC out of power on many occasions. If
the oppressed masses were unwilling or unable to vote, they could have
resuscitated peaceful demonstrations/resistance that characterized the early Struggle. But, all that has happened are violent and
destructive non-service-delivery ‘protests’ (frequently involving burning schools,
libraries and hospitals), often dealt with even more violently (even
murderously - Marikana) by the SAPS. It
is a rare event that illegal activities on either side end up with trials and
convictions after long and very expensive, government-appointed ‘commissions’.
With regard
to the initial treatment of Fallists, nevertheless, the local (UCT) community
accepted the university executive’s
decision to treat the ‘protesters’ leniently with the expectation that the
situation would improve.
It did
not. In fact, the Fallists did nothing
but escalate their protests and demands into intimidation of individual
staff/students and shorten their deadlines for compliance. Despite this, the UCT Executive persisted
with inaction other than granting leniency to Fallists and complying with their
demands.
At this
stage, I and others called for: Fallist academics and students to provide
substantive strategies for ‘decolonization’ - beyond what might need to be
expurgated - in terms of curricula and personnel; effective, ideally deterrent,
action by the Executive against unlawful protest; and a survey of the UCT
Community to identify its views vis-à-vis Fallist demands.
Again the
Executive took no ‘action’ beyond continued compliance and issuing requests for
the now Fallist provocateurs to engage in substantive discussions. The Fallists offered no strategies. They: refused
to engage; began to vigorously condemn Mandela, Tutu et al. personally and the
Truth and Reconciliation process in general; and escalated their protests into
violence and destruction on campus, including torching the vice chancellor’s
office.
In the
meantime, decades of the comprehensive mismanagement of school education by the
ANC government’s Department of Basic Education had reduced the quality of education
to levels inferior to that of the despicable Bantu Education. At best, only the children of the wealthy
(regardless of ‘race’) received adequate education. Further still, the ANC-dominated Department
of Higher Education and Training persisted in demands for UCT to increase
admittance of academically disabled matriculants, while at the same time progressively
underfunding its financial support.
Despite this, the ANC still received an overall majority of votes in the
2016 municipal election. UCT, on its
part, has failed to provide these educationally disabled students with
mentoring desperately needed to succeed.
Most of these students fail along the way; fail to complete their
studies in the allocated time or with high marks; or pass and fail to find
meaningful (to cover costs of loans and ‘Black Tax’) employment. Neither has UCT been successful in
transforming the demographics of its academic staff (especially at the
professorial level) to meet the pressing demands of Fallists.
Now, as I
write this response, UCT is closed with no clear expectation of the reopening
necessary to prevent yet another “lost generation” of poor students. However, the good news is that there have
been referenda at UCT and Wits that demonstrate, overwhelmingly, that their
university communities want to get back to the processes of education and
research.
Despite all
this, the author still calls for readers to understand the Fallist view that
Mandela et al. betrayed South Africa’s university students.
I am not
persuaded.
The
fundamental problem with the betrayal of South African students in general and
the poor in particular began (and continues to begin) on the first day that a
child begins her/his education. It ends,
normally without mercy, when scholars abandon school prematurely to become
skollies and ‘matriculants’ most of whom enter the unemployed population or are
shunted to university. See Prof.
Jonathan Jansen’s various writings for irrefutable evidence and explanation of
the disaster in South African schools.
I refer the
Fallists who seek betrayers at school level to the various teachers’ unions
(especially the pro-ANC SADTU) and the ANC-controlled, massively funded
Department of Basic Education. They
might also search amongst the ‘cronyized’ civil service to focus on incompetent
incumbents who occupy posts that could be filled by university graduates and supplement
their unearned salaries with bribes or the proceeds of theft.
The
proto-Fallists who enter universities need to look elsewhere for
betrayers. But, this would, in part,
require them to attend lectures and intellectually challenge racist educators
to justify their ‘colonialist drivel’.
However, for the poorest of the poor, I encourage them to seek support
from the well-dressed, expensively coiffed and ‘cell-phoned’ Fallists who will
benefit most from not having to pay fees.
They might also seek out the members of the co-self-identified academe
for counselling/mentoring that might help them to survive the “painful”, “suffocating”
university experience. At the least,
these empathetic academics could help to alleviate it by offering an
appropriately ‘centric’ curriculum to facilitate their education so that they
will find jobs or, better still, careers that create jobs. Sadly, I am unaware of any such formal
support group.
Hopefully, a
much-touted forthcoming biography of Mandela will set things straight. But,
given its announced title Nelson Mandela: Romantic Hero, Tragic Figure, I won’t hold my breath.
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