http://www.iol.co.za/sundayindependent/lets-ask-the-hard-questions-and-rebuild-uct-together-2054311
Let’s ask the hard questions and rebuild UCT together
Sunday Independent / 07 Aug '16, 08:45am
OPINION
The time is ripe for a transparent, democratic,
intimidation-free, and unbiased investigation to identify problems and shared
goals, says Tim Crowe.
Cape Town - Phantom racism, censorship, intimidation and
fear versus academic excellence, heterodoxy and freedom at the University of
Cape Town. Two articles on the same page of The Sunday Independent of July 31
sent telling messages to all South Africans.
The time is ripe for a transparent, democratic,
intimidation-free, and unbiased investigation at UCT to identify problems and
shared goals, says the writer. File picture: Leon Lestrade. Credit: INDEPENDENT
MEDIA
The much longer one, by Professor Xolela Mangcu, continues
his long-running condemnation of UCT. It also continues his practice of
maligning unidentified racists based on their undocumented racist acts.
READ MANGCU'S ARTICLE HERE
He begins by stating: “Our universities are dominated by
self-designated Donald Trumps who have taken it upon themselves to protect the
family silver from the barbarians at the gate.”
So, members of the UCT executive are racist, sexist and
xenophobic demagogues bent on preventing “blacks” from acquiring knowledge and
wealth. Hopefully, these “Trumps” will finally respond to this and past attacks
on them.
Then Mangcu continues his practice of quoting controversial,
anti-colonial and anti-apartheid intellectuals, this time the eminent Professor
Edward Said.
Said, although described as an “anti-Semite” and “professor
of terror” by his critics, was a sought-after speaker who gave a UCT TB Davie
Academic Freedom Lecture.
Nevertheless, the invitation to Said, a champion of
Palestinian causes, to give a lecture to the Austrian Freud Society was
cancelled in 2001 because of the political situation in the Middle East and
concerns about the consequences if the talk went ahead.
Said likened his politically based censorship to that of
another past TB Davie speaker, Professor Noam Chomsky, the greatest linguist of
the 20th century and a world-renowned socio-political activist.
Like Said, Chomsky has been vilified as an “anti-Semite”,
“patron of the neo-Nazis” and “the ayatollah of anti-American hatred”.
Sadly, a common tactic employed by members of totalitarian
movements in dealing with their critics, when they cannot expose their moral or
logical flaws, is to label any critique or call for debate an insult and to
punish the offenders. We need only look at the SABC (past and present) and
post-liberation Zimbabwe to find examples of this tactic.
Mangcu describes unidentified UCT academic departments as
employing “embedded intergroup dynamics” operating “in the image of the British
imperial monarchy” based on the “praxis” of unidentified “paternal master(s)
and loyal servant(s)”.
Then, despite his being a “full black professor”, he alludes
to undocumented instances in which he has had “to deal with such personal
slights - from “masters”? - as being mistaken for a “delivery boy” - servant? -
or being told to look for the students’ toilets or “having my intelligence and
integrity questioned by my (unidentified) colleagues in full view of everyone
(also unidentified)”.
The perpetrators of these racist acts are unidentified
“untouchables” who sustain themselves by selling fellow (unidentified) white
colleagues a false sense of security.
Mangcu says some of these “untouchables” have “special deals
that are not entirely transparent” and that unidentified young black academics
have left UCT because it cannot accommodate their (unidentified) projects.
During my more than 40 years at UCT, I have known many young
academics (“black” and “white”) who have left UCT and other South African
universities to go elsewhere in the public, private or academic sectors.
Invariably, this has been for career advancement because UCT sets - or at least
used to set - exceptionally high standards for ad hominem promotion.
Many of these emigrants - in my own field I could rattle off
the names of dozens - have had successful careers locally and internationally.
The alternative - in the “imperialistic” past and in at least some faculties
currently - is to hang in there and meet the criteria to warrant unassisted ad
hominem promotion.
At UCT, this takes - or used to take - “decades of effort”.
An excellent example of how to get the job done right is Professor Bongani
Mayosi, dean-designate of the faculty of health sciences and one of UCT’s
newest National Research Foundation A-rated researchers.
To fast-track young and mid-career academics, UCT initiated
the Programme for the Enhancement of Research Capacity .
Despite this, Mangcu writes about “right-wing attacks on
affirmative action”, but fails to identify the attackers, victims and the
nature of the attacks.
He highlights a pervasive “subterranean anger among
students”. The actions of MustFall students and other protesters have certainly
been above ground.
Then Mangcu defames the duly constituted UCT Academic
Freedom Committee, which he states has “invented its own version of academic
freedom”, suggesting it would have invited “Adolf Hitler or Hendrik Verwoerd to
our campus”.
Like the UCT executive and #RhodesMustFall students, Mangcu
condemns the committee for inviting a “religious hate-monger”, journalist
Flemming Rose, who is arguably no more controversial than Said and Chomsky.
Mangcu characterises members of the committee - including
its chairman, ethics scholar and UCT council member Jacques Rousseau and
eminent philosopher Professor David Benatar - as being “tone-deaf” and
“arrogant”, and concludes: “Academic freedom is too important to be left in the
hands of provocateurs.”
But Mangcu offers no evidence demonstrating that Rousseau,
Benatar or anyone else are committing or enticing other persons to commit
illegal acts. He also offers no replacement for this “imperialist” structure,
other than suggesting it should have “black” and Muslim members.
What is the solution? Well, first it makes sense to identify
the problems unequivocally. Mangcu could help lay the foundations for this by
identifying the “Trumps” and their acolytes who have “trained [and continue to
train] their guns” on him, and provide evidence of their nefarious activities.
Better still, he could encourage similarly persecuted student or collegial
“victims” to do the same.
Others, including myself, would go further. We call for a
transparent, anonymous (intimidation-proof) democratic ballot or survey to
determine the “real” views and experiences of self-identifying subsets of the
UCT community.
This is because no one knows what’s happening at UCT and
what it thinks. Key questions I would like asked in such a ballot or survey
should relate to: the relative importance of academic merit and achievement as
opposed to demographic representation in appointments and promotions; the
exclusion of elements of the curriculum based on geographical, gender or racial
provenance, the utility of programmes, departments, faculties and staff who
absorb huge chunks of UCT’s budget, but deliver few successful graduates and
little evidence of intellectual excellence or creativity.
Mangcu, staff students, alumni and invested parents and
donors must be required to add other questions. Then it would make good sense
to follow Mangcu’s advice to have “a public inquiry into the governance and
decision processes” at UCT and to encourage other universities and/or the
Department of Higher Education to follow suit.
The time is ripe for a transparent, democratic,
intimidation-free, and unbiased investigation to identify problems and shared
goals. Once this is done, rational, intimidation- and violence-free debate are
the only way to arrive at solutions.
All we’ve had are unsubstantiated opinions and accusations
and non-transparent, unjustified actions. If this continues, UCT could become a
bunch of buildings, controlled by a few demagogues and occupied by censored
academics and students with aspirations of mediocrity.
In short, it could emulate the SABC, as journalist Jacques
Steenkamp describes it on the same page as Mangcu’s article.
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